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              Laboratory 
                – Shield-Bearers 
                 
              In 
                Sept., 2007 I had got the idea of checking whether, in ancient 
                armies, there had been instances, other than Ey-de-Net and Dolasilla, 
                of archers fighting in a team with a shield-bearer devote to their 
                defense. About this subject, I had proposed a first version of 
                this “Laboratory” where I concluded that the idea 
                of protecting Dolasilla by means of a shield-bearer should have 
                come to the King of Fanes’ mind authonomously, provided 
                he wasn’t aware of the Assyrians’ methods of combat. 
                Later on, I received two contributions, one by Alessandro Manfroi, 
                who, among his various capabilities, is also a skilled archer, 
                and one by Davide Ermacora, who prospected me the Mycaenean “warrior 
                duo”, which I blatantly ignored. 
                
              
                 
                  |   As 
                      a matter of fact, I believed that the only people of the 
                      Ancient Age accustomed to that way of fighting were the 
                      Assyrians. See the detail on the right, See the detail at 
                      right, illustrating a combat team, dated about l'884 B.C. 
                      (today at the British Museum). In this case we have two 
                      archers and a shield-bearer, who propped up the huge structure, 
                      probably wooden,(although John R. Edgerton, 
                      through A. Manfroi, suggests that it might 
                      consist of reeds, and therefore be much lighter) insisting 
                      on the ground and providing also some protection from above. 
                      The bearer looks to be using his left hand for the shield, 
                      while the right one holds an edeged weapon, maybe a short 
                      one; or it may be a second handle used to turn the big thing 
                      around. He wears a cover cap like the archers, but his gown 
                      is short instead of coming down to his feet, and probably 
                      he wears an armour and shin protectors, while the archers 
                      appear to be fighting bare-breasted. Notice the latters' 
                      quivers, strapped across one shoulder, and the swords at 
                      their belts, maybe in a sheath. Last, while one archer and 
                      the shield-bearer wear their classical long beards, the 
                      closer archer wears none. Age difference, national usage, 
                      or just fashion? 
                      At first I had supposed that what we can observe on the 
                      other side of the shield could be a flame, or an explosion. 
                      The same John R. Edgerton provided us with 
                      the complete picture, where we can clearly see that we are 
                      dealing with a tree, and no explosion. A further essential 
                      detail can be acknowledged: in the upper left corner there 
                      is another archer, presumably a foe, who is shooting arrows 
                      from above a wall. 
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                      The scene, 
                        therefore, doesn’t depict an open-field battle, 
                        but a siege. This circumstance, if it gives a better rationale 
                        to the usage of a so scarcely mobile defensive structure, 
                        on the other hand reduces its value as a comparison reference 
                        with the pair Dolasilla-Ey-de-Net. 
                       
                        Such teams could also be composed by an archer, a shield-bearer 
                        and a swordman; or by two people only, one archer and 
                        the shield-bearer. 
                       
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                    Then 
                      we have the image of a heavy Assyrian battle-cart (by courtesy 
                      of mr. Bede, from Sidney, Australia), with 
                      four people aboard: two archers, and two shield-bearers. 
                      The latters, however, use a round shield, similar to those 
                      used by infantrymen.  | 
                 
                 
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                      This type of 
                        combat by small teams was not used, as far as I know, 
                        by other populations, with the exception of the teams 
                        mounted on chariots. What we can see at left is an egyptian 
                        representation of a hittite chariot. We have a charioteer 
                        an presumably a warrior, although the schematic sketch 
                        doesn't allow to understand which weapons does he carry 
                        along; besides, we have the shield-bearer, who makes use 
                        however of a much smaller and nimbler object than the 
                        colossal object of the Assyrian siege unit. 
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                In the Homeric description of the war of Troy, it seems that the 
                chariot team was composed by two people only, the hero, who was 
                completely armed, and his charioteer. But the Greeks, with the 
                important exception I will describe later, (I might generalize 
                and talk of Europeans), don't seem to conceive any combat by small 
                teams. Heroes fight alone, and the mass all together. Archers, 
                when they are present, fight each by himself. It seems that archers 
                never were considered of relevant importance in Greek armies, 
                as well as in Balkan, or Italic, or Celtic ones; less so, that 
                any of these populations ever felt the need to assign a man to 
                the specific task of shielding an archer. The Macedonian phalanx 
                (yet to come) will later use (several) "shield-bearers" 
                to shelter its right side, relatively unguarded, but in a quite 
                different tactical situation. 
              Davide 
                Ermacora, however, indicated me the important exception 
                I was referring to above. It consists of the Mycaenean “warrior 
                duo”, composed by an archer and a heavily armed infantryman. 
                Unfortunately, the rich bibliography listed by Davide 
                is difficult to retrieve, unless one has a specialized university 
                library at hand. Anyway, I found something, and something was 
                kindly handed over to me by the same Davide. 
                Thence, let us see in more detail what happens in the war of Troy 
                itself. 
              In 
                the Iliad, only three Greek heroes are mentioned as archers: Philoctetes, 
                Meriones and Teucer (there are 
                also the Locrians [people from the so-named region 
                of Boeotia not from Locri Epizephiri in Calabria, which was founded 
                as a Locrian colony many centuries later], about whom in the XIII 
                chant it is said that they are “arrowing and slinging”). 
                Ulysses, who in the Odyssey is described as an 
                exceptional archer, in the Iliad appears having forgotten his 
                bow at home (as a matter of fact, he will find it again – 
                in the other poem – at the moment of slaughtering the Proci). 
                Philoctetes, from Magnesia, who is the lucky 
                owner of the bow that was Heracles’, leads a party of as 
                many as fifty archers, but during most of the war remains away 
                from the battlefield because of a wound; 
                Meriones, from Crete, who gains the bow contest 
                in the games on Patroclus’ death, in battle uses however 
                conventional weapons like sword and lance. 
                Teucer, brother of Ajax the Telamonian, from 
                Salamis, on the contrary uses his bow in combat, and this way 
                he kills several Trojans. His fighting style, that makes him of 
                special interest in the light of the Fanes’ legend, is that 
                of sheltering behind his brother’s large shield, uncovering 
                just to shoot, and immediately returning under cover “like 
                a child to his mother”. The virtual analogy with the pair 
                Dolasilla-Ey-de-Net is patent. 
                More so, Ajax’ shield covers him from chin to ankles, is 
                shaped “like a tower” and is large enough to shelter 
                his brother as well. It is composed by seven layers of oxen leather, 
                covered by a bronze sheet, and is so heavy that the hero – 
                the most powerful among all Greek warriors – hangs it to 
                his shoulder with a strap, and even so he must sometimes be helped 
                by his comrades. Again, the comparison with Ey-de-Net’s 
                shield, “so heavy that he was the only one who could bear 
                it” comes immediately to one’s mind. 
              Several 
                passages (some of them lexical also) hint at Ajax’ character 
                representing an archaism in the Iliad: he uses a helm with side 
                guards and a tower-shaped shield, no body armour and a huge lance 
                as his only offensive weapon. He is the only hero using that type 
                of weapons and that fighting style, which is not typical of the 
                Troy war times, but of the XVI-XV century B.C.! Therefore his 
                character might be built upon an archetype pertaining to epical 
                poems of the Mycaenean age, that is, even much older than the 
                standard version of the Iliad. This is prof. Alessandro 
                Greco’s conclusion, the top Italian scholar of 
                Mycaenean culture, who goes as far as defining the pair archer-hoplite 
                (=a heavily armed infantryman) as the “classical Mycaenean 
                warrior duo”. I’m expecting to be able to read more 
                of his writings in the next future. 
                You can see in the picture here below, derived from an engraving 
                on a silver cup found at Mycaene in a XV-century B.C. grave (see 
                Bibl. 8), a fight with tower-shaped shield and lance, involving 
                archers.   | 
           
           
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                Notice that the warriors on the right side use a tower-shaped 
                  shield and those on the left an eight-shaped one, but they all 
                  use a lance as their single offensive weapon. Both parties fight 
                  with no other body protection but their helms, of various types 
                  but common to both sides, and don’t appear in “heroic 
                  nudity”, but covered by a short gown. The third warrior 
                  on the left clearly shows how the huge whole-sized shield was 
                  used: it covered the warrior’s back, hanging from a shoulder 
                  strap, so leaving both hands free to handle the lance. Obviously 
                  the fighting style must have been peculiar to suit this type 
                  of weaponry. Then we have the archers, one on each side, with 
                  helms like the hoplites', but naturally bearing no shield. Their 
                  bows show a slight double curvature, and might therefore be 
                  of a composite type (the period might allow this). 
                  It is finally to be noted that the fourth warrior on the right 
                  side is deprived of both shield and bow but is armed with his 
                  lance; he looks like jumping on a comrade’s back (to increase 
                  the dash in handling his lance?). It might have been a peculiar 
                  subterfuge that possibly had been used in a specific war episode, 
                  the subject of a well-known epic narration, which the scene 
                  engraved on the cup was depicting. 
                 
                  We must underline, anyway, that the pair archer-shield bearer 
                  doesn’t appear as having been a typical structure of any 
                  post-Mycaenean army; in the Iliad Ajax and Teucer are the only 
                  instance, and no others are known at later times. 
                We are apparently allowed to propose the suggestion that those 
                  who detailed the Fanes’ legend were acquainted, if not 
                  with the Homeric poem, at least with the previous ones, upon 
                  which the Iliad must have been based. At the present moment, 
                  however, it’s too early to draw any conclusion: anyway, 
                  this is a totally new strand to explore, that can bring to interesting 
                  developments. 
                I’m enclosing here the bibliography kindly provided by 
                  prof. Greco, through D. Ermacora 
                  (the last title is the only one I was able to read until now): 
                1.A. Greco, "Aiace Telamonio e Teucro. Le tecniche 
                  di combattimento nella Grecia Micenea dell'epoca delle tombe 
                  a fossa [Ajax the Telamonian and Teucer. Fighting techniques 
                  in Mycaenean Greece in the pit- graves age], In OMERO tremila 
                  anni dopo, Atti del Congresso di Genova (July 6-8th, 2000), 
                  edited by F. Montanari with the help of P. Ascheri, Roma 2002, 
                  561-578. 
                  2. A. Greco, "La Grecia tra il Bronzo Medio e il Bronzo 
                  Tardo: l'armamento di Aiace e il duo guerriero" [Greece 
                  between East and West: Ajax’ weaponry and the Warrior 
                  Duo] in "Tra Oriente e Occidente", studies in honour 
                  of E. Di Filippo Balestrazzi, Padova 2006, 265-289. 
                  3. A. Greco - M. Cultraro "When Tradition Goes Arm 
                  in Arm with Innovation: Some Reflections on the Mycenaean Warfare", 
                  in ARMS AND ARMOUR THROUGH THE AGES (from the Bronze Age to 
                  Late Antiquity), ANODOS, Studies of the Ancient World, 4-5, 
                  2004-2005 (2007), pp. 45-60. 
                  4. A. Greco, "La Tomba di Aiace" [Ajax’ 
                  Grave] in "Eroi eroismi eroizzazioni", Atti del convegno 
                  di Padova (Sept. 18-19th 2006), S.A.R.G.O.N. 2007, 102-112. 
                  5. Hiller S., Scenes of warfare and combat in the art of 
                  Aegean Late Bronze Age. Reflections on typology and development, 
                  In Polemos, Le contexte guerrier en Egee a l'age du bronze, 
                  Actes de la 7° Rencontre 
                  Egeenne int. Univ. Liege, AEGAEUM 19, 1999, 319-330. 
                  6. J. Bennet, Homer and the Bronze Age, In: A new companion 
                  to Homer, I.MORRIS-B. POWELL eds, Leiden-New York Koln, 1997, 
                  511-534. 
                  7. Morris, Homer and the Iron Age, In A new companion 
                  to Homer, I.MORRIS-B. POWELL eds, Leiden-New York Koln, 1997, 
                  pp. 535 e ss. 
                  8. A. Greco, 2006: Aiace, eroe frainteso. [Ajax, a 
                  misunderstood hero] In: Eroi, eroismi, eroizzazioni dalla grecia 
                  antica a Padova e Venezia – Atti del Convegno internazionale 
                  di Padova, Sept. 18-19th 2006: 101-112 
                I'm also adding a text that I found on the web: 
                M.P.Nappi, 2002: Note sull’uso di "Ajante" 
                  nell’Iliade, [Remarks on the usage of "Ajante" 
                  in the Iliad] Rivista di cultura classica e medievale, Anno 
                  XIV, N.2 
                 
                  A remark about Dolasilla’s weapons 
                Alessandro Manfroi proposes that Dolasilla’s 
                  “magic” or “silver” bow may indeed be 
                  a composite bow, imported from Asia by the “dwarfs” 
                  and ended up by chance in the Fanes archer’s hands. This 
                  suggestion, that might well explain the peculiar qualities of 
                  the bow, is neither illogic nor absurd, although a little improbable 
                  and maybe not really necessary. Alessandro also underlines that 
                  the heroine’s arrows, if provided with metal heads, must 
                  have been not only more penetrating, but also, just for having 
                  shifted the baricenter forward, longer-ranged and more accurate. 
                 
                  
                  
               
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